Thursday, 19 December 2013

NATIONAL CONFERENCE ON THE CONSTITUTION - REPORT



NATIONAL CONFERENCE ON THE CONSTITUTION


THEME “ TAKING STOCK OF 18 YEARS OF THE 1995 CONSTITUTION – WHERE ARE WE?”

REPORT


Opening Session: Chaired by Mr. Richard Ssewakiryanga, the Executive Director for the National NGO Forum



Opening Remarks by Maj (Rtd) Okwiri Rabwoni, the Exective Director – Center for Constitutional Governance (CCG)



He thanked the Government officials, delegates and the organizers (CCG, AFIEGO, HURINET & NGO FORUM), thanked the CSO fraternity the political parties and the sections of the media that have kept the debate on constitutional governance alive.

He stated that the conference was timely because we have this strange situation in Uganda, where politics is played in the courts of law and public interest litigation inundates the business of the constitutional court. He introduced the Conference objectives as:

·        Generating National Consensus on Electoral Reforms

·        Critically review Uganda’s Human Rights record

·        Appraising the doctrine of Separation of Powers

·        Discussing Uganda’s Multi – Party politics



He stated that the organizers hoped that the contemporary challenges in defending the principle of separation of powers and institutionalized governance would be debated to a logical conclusion, as well as the dynamics of the struggles within the organs of the state and the relationship between the state and civil society.



He further stated that modern constitutions are homes for minority rights and voices and constitutionalism is an instrument of liberation and modernization as it guarantees:

·        Peace and stability.

·        Domestic and foreign investment

·        Institutional growth

·        Civic competence through a vibrant civil society.

·        International respectability and regional peace.



He concluded by calling upon all the delegates to make the conference a place for  building bridges between the state, political parties and civil society in the run up to the 2016 General Elections.



Official Opening by FREDERICK RUHINDI, Deputy Attorney General & Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs:



The Minister stated that the Conference should have been convened by Government, but let not get into the definitions. He stated that the 1995 Constitution is Uganda’s foremost document that seeks to guarantee political stability, economic progress and social integration. It is a landmark achievement.



He paid tribute is paid to the leadership of the country and all those who took part in the enactment of the Constitution, that, for the first time, involved grass root people participation and it encompasses the Bill of Rights in Chapter Four of the Constitution.



We should evaluate the institutions (Legislature, Executive and the Judiciary) that have been created under the Constitution as well as the other specific objectives: electoral reforms; reviewing human rights record; and multiparty politics of Uganda.

Government is a partner in this process because it has been discussing these reforms and looks forward to taking into consideration the views that will be generated from this meeting.



He concluded by saying that “Our political skies might be dark and overcast but the sun hasn’t disappeared”.



Key Note Address by Prof John Jean Barya, Law Don, Makerere University



His presentation was based on the theme of the Conference and titled: “Constitutionalism in Uganda: Taking Stock of the Challenges and Achievements of the 1995 Constitution”



Many, if not all African countries have Constitutions. It is one thing to have a Constitution; it is another to practice Constitutionalism.



They are three presuppositions:



i)             A belief in the Constitution;

ii)            Recognition of its importance and relevance to the governed; consciousness about it within the population;

iii)           Presence of organized political parties ready to defend the Constitution



Is the Constitution of Uganda the ultimate source of authority in Uganda?



Talking Points that have been assigned: electoral reforms; human rights record; appraisal of arms of government/doctrine of Separation of Powers and multiparty politics of Uganda.



The NRM regime is characterized by:

i)             Personal Rule

ii)            Militarism

iii)           Neo-patrimonial rule

iv)            

All these are inimical to the development of Constitutionalism.



i)             Electoral Reforms:



These are very important in Uganda today. The limitations are that the incumbent regime has no belief whatsoever in the importance of electoral reforms; and there is no belief in citizenship by the incumbent regime. The regime will have to be forced into seeing the above reforms put into place.

It must also be underscored that social and economic rights must be looked at more so that the citizens are elevated beyond survival and as such can aspire for civil and political rights.



Social and Economic Rights: Education—to this and, we should have reforms in this direction of primary education; secondary school education and tertiary/vocational education. Attainment of education will bring about the right to work and thereafter, civil and political rights will have meaning to the citizens.

Health: we should have a national insurance policy that guarantees healthcare for all citizenry with categories: employed high income earners; low incomes earners and rural communities. 15% of the national health budget goes to rural health insurance in Rwanda.



Revamping of a strong/representative Civil Society: The representative CSO formations have been emasculated and this negates the whole democratization process. Trade Unions, Cooperatives, Lobby Groups are formidable formations which can protect particular socio-economic rights. Such formations have an interest in defending civil and political rights.



The different arms of government and separation of powers:



i)             Today, there is hardly any Separation of Powers between the Executive and Parliament;

ii)            Our country’s history has been characterized by the individual merit/one-party system.

The Judiciary in Uganda is suffering for its independence. We need a bipartisan effort to rescue the Judiciary because an independent Judiciary is in the interest of every one.

Disputes before courts take four major forms: citizens versus citizen; multinational interests versus weak citizens; the State versus the Citizen; and political contests.

This trend can only lead to a totalitarian state where all arms of government are fused.



iii)           Multiparty Politics:



Do we have parties in Uganda since 2005? We do not yet have Parties in Uganda.

Political disputes are underpinned by militarism. The ruling political party is fused with a state, underpinned by military force.



The leadership of the NRM isn’t interested in a strong party. A strong party isn’t in the interests of the leadership…a weak party is in the interest of the incumbent leadership of the NRM.  The other parties are nascent and are attempting to become parties. Only the FDC has made significant efforts towards a viable, clear party. There is a need to have clear ideological bases for parties if we are to build viable parties which have socio-economic constituencies.


What we have is a shell of a dysfunctional ruling party fused with the State and backed by military force.



Conclusion:



The Constitution is only a formal document picked and referred to conveniently. The following constitutional reforms are necessary;

·         Term limits

·         Reduction of Presidential powers

·         Electoral Commission should be reformed; but that is not in the interest of the regime

·         We should focus on the socio-economic rights because citizens will find reason to fight for civil and political rights

·         Defend the independence of the Judiciary

·         Build ideologically based political parties with socio-economic constituencies

·         A huge public administration wage bill bloated with a large Parliament, hundreds of supposed Advisors, myriad Ministers etc…so we have so many people who are interested in the status quo—amending this Constitution legally/formally is impossible.



We have to abrogate this Constitution because its inherent design-flaws do not support the required amendment processes that would deliver the objectives we seek.



“A community of sheep will get a government of hyenas.” We must avoid the trap of historical revisionism. Weak citizens; weak institutions/executive dominance; weak political parties and the role of the military in politics



Thematic Sessions:



1.    Human Rights Thematic Area: Chaired by Mr. Mohammed Ndifuna, the Executive Director – HURINET(U)



Facilitator: Mr. Kabumba Busingye – Law Lecturer, Makerere University



i)     The group observed that human rights in Uganda are observed more in violation than in observance.

ii)    Towards having a conscious populace that understands and exercises its individual and collective roles as citizens, the discussion on the Constitution must be taken to every village, town and constituency in Uganda.

iii)   It was recommended that a human rights defenders force be established to protect and uphold human rights in a more practical and overt manner.

iv)   The citizens of Uganda, majority of whom are peasants, must have a stake in the economy (either through direct employment, commercial agriculture or other investment) so that they are elevated beyond hand-to-mouth survival which is a serious impediment to the appreciation of human rights in ‘banana’ Republics such as ours.

v)    We should seek to rely on the support that International Non Governmental Organisations can provide so that our scale and scope of operations is broadened for better outcomes.

vi)   The current Parliament ought to be down-sized by more than half so that it is easier to hold them accountable for their actions and/or inactions.

vii) While they pursue the realization of their stated and Constitutional objectives, Civil Society Organisations should not be unduly restrained, intimidated or harassed by the State’s coercive machinery such as the Police.

viii)                No effort should be spared in ensuring that the independence of the Judiciary is insulated from all attempts to derail it from its duty to dispense justice impartially as stipulated under the Constitution.

ix)   Build an accountable citizenry: work towards ensuring that citizens are responsible so that they are in a position to question their leaders at every level. Irresponsible citizens (at the household level and above) have no basis to demand accountability from their leaders.

x)    The Karamoja, Indian, Chinese, Buganda, Northern Uganda, Bunyoro and Oil Questions must be answered if Uganda is to realize human rights. The history that surrounds these questions is hinged on some of the most grotesque human rights violations recorded in Uganda.

xi)   Civil Society Organisations should form policy partnerships with Parliament deliberately targeting the Human Rights Committee of Parliament so that it is redeemed from Executive manipulation.

xii) Citizens within their various formations should surround Parliament as a show of support whenever the military is deployed around the precincts of Parliament.

xiii)                Civic Education (with human rights as a module) must be introduced as a subject in the secondary schools curriculum.

xiv)                Civil Society Organisations and citizens should harness the strength of international dispute resolution mechanisms like the International Criminal Court to advance the cause of justice.

xv) There should be strong partnerships between human rights organizations so that they develop more effective synergies in the quest for the observance of human rights in Uganda.



2.    Multiparty Thematic Area: Chaired By Ms. Norah Matovu, FIDA (U)



Facilitator: Dr. Julius Kiiza, Political Science, Makerere University



i)     Review our history as Uganda and trace the causes of conflict so that we can avoid making the same mistakes in future.

ii)    Build strong functional political parties so that they are able to participate meaningfully in democratic contestations.

iii)   The military should be divorced from electoral politics so that there is a level-playing field for all political parties without an overbearing ruling party.

iv)   Encourage the young (especially 16-35 years old) to participate in politics.

v)    Clearly define the role of the Army in politics.

vi)   Build a critical mass from the population that can hold government accountable.

vii) Stop the blame game and find workable solutions.

viii)            Eradicate poverty so as to enable citizens to make independent decisions.

ix)   Promote the meaningful and participatory inclusion of women and the youth in politics.

x)    All political players should respect and uphold the rights of minority views, not just the majority views.

xi)   Create a black-list for those who are violating human rights in Uganda i.e. police officers, government officials etc which will be referred to for use in the next political dispensation.

xii) De-politicize service delivery; divorce government programmes from the ruling party.



3.    Electoral Reforms Thematic area: Chaired by Bishop Zac Niringiye



Facilitator: Hon. Lydia Wanyoto Mutende, Former MP, EALA & Former Member, NRM Electoral Commission



i)     Review the electoral laws such as the Presidential Elections and Parliamentary Elections Acts.

ii)    Have cross-cutting representation of political parties on the Electoral Commission.

iii)   Inclusive participation of citizens in the selection of commissioners on the Electoral Commission’s management.

iv)   Effect and strengthen penalties for electoral offences so as to have deterrence against ballot stuffing, intimidation and other such violations.

v)    Strengthen the institutional framework that supports the operations of the Electoral Commission.

vi)   Rename the Electoral Commission as the Independent Electoral Commission and then ensure that it is an independent institution that is free from the influence of any interference, political or otherwise.

vii) We must have a credible voters’ register that has gone through the process of updating, validation and deletion; the constituencies and their corresponding polling stations must be demarcated ahead of time and citizens must be involved in this process.

viii)        Civic education must be heavily invested in by civil society so that the population is aware about their roles and responsibilities in the electoral process.



4.    Separation of Powers Thematic Area: Chaired by Hon Betty Oilve Kamya, President- UFA



Facilitator: Hon. Miria Matembe



i)     This break-out session observed that there are myriad challenges to the observance of the Rule of Law in Uganda including but not limited to:

·         An overbearing Executive;

·         An emasculated Judiciary which is routinely intimidated and harassed by the Executive and which for close to a year has had no substantive Chief Justice;

·         The militarization of Cabinet through the appointment of serving soldiers;

·         Outright disregard by the Executive of court decisions.

ii)    It was against the backdrop of these observations that this group resolved that crucial for the realization of Separation of Powers in Uganda is that the judiciary must be free from undue political interference; Parliament should be independent so that it can exercise its oversight role over the Executive.

iii)   The recommendations made were as follows:

iv)   The Speaker and Deputy Speaker should not be selected from Parliament and should not hold any position of leadership in a political organization/party.

v)    The decisions/recommendations of the Judicial Service Commission and the Appointments Committee of Parliament should be above the President’s power of veto.

vi)   Ministers should not be selected from Parliament for appointment because as the situation is today, Parliament has been fused with the Executive and this is further reflected in the voting patterns which reduces Parliament into a vestige of the Executive.

vii) There should be limited time within which to approve an appointment recommendation that has been made so that the President does not drag his/her feet at the expense of citizens who should be served by the arms of government.

viii)          There should be public scrutiny and vetting before public positions are assumed by appointees.

ix)   Presidential term limits should be restored in the Constitution.

x)    Government must be separate from the State; the infrastructure of the State must be separate from Government. Government is a transient group of people who have “won a contract” to implement their manifesto; the State on the other hand is the permanent infrastructure (Police, Revenue Authority, Electoral Commission etc) that should ideally support whichever government that assumes power unlike today where Government and the State are joined at the hip.

xi)   The President’s powers to appoint must be limited to Cabinet and Advisors.

xii) Members of Parliament should not vote on laws that they have not debated; they must also present evidence that they consulted their constituents.

xiii)          Seek extra-legal means of resolving the constitutional crisis we are resolved with. The citizens should take up the situation and resolve it because there is no hope in the current regime to self-correct.

xiv)          The power to recall a Member of Parliament should be resurrected in the Constitution (Article 84) so that citizens have power to recall leaders at parliamentary level.

xv) We should invest in the revival of societal values as a remedy to the crisis of morals in Uganda.

xvi)          There should be term limits for Members of Parliament.

xvii)         Civil Society Organisations should invest in a caravan for constitutionalism.

xviii)       The bar for who qualifies to become MP should be raised above a Senior 6 certificate so that the quality of debate, legislation and oversight by Parliament is improved.

xix)          There should be deliberate investment in the development of ideology-based political parties that have socio-economic constituencies.

xx) On a light note, it was recommended that Parliament be facilitated by lobby groups from the Civil Society to support Members of Parliament to reinstate term limits in the Constitution.

xxi)          There should be a genuine devolution of administrative powers to the lowest units of government.

xxii)         The Army should not be represented in Parliament because they are already part of the Executive.

xxiii)       There should be a Constitutional review process with a view to reducing the powers of the President.

xxiv)       Uganda should have a Truth-telling and Reconciliation Committee to support a national healing process.

xxv)         Ethnic communities should not be punished for the actions of individuals or small groups. There should be individual responsibility for individual crimes.

xxvi)       The Constitution should guarantee a functional and inclusive economy.

xxvii)      Citizens’ pressure must be brought to bear on the Judiciary so that every judicial officer is daily reminded that his/her actions or inactions can plunge this country back to war or set it on a path of progress, stability and unity and a nation of opportunity and dignity for all.

xxviii)     Civil Society Organizations should participate in the formation of policies that precede legislation so that there is an input and a level of influence that we have over the policy formulation and legislation.



Closing Session: Chaired by Mr. Mohammed Ndifuna, Executive Director, HURINET (U)



The Communique was read out by Mr. Okwiri Rabwoni:



Communique



Citizens’ Resolutions Passed and Adopted on the 6th Day of December 2013, at Imperial Royale Hotel, Kampala



During the First National Conference on the Constitution



Aware that Uganda promulgated a much-celebrated Constitution in 1995 which promised to be the beacon of Uganda on the path to growth and prosperity;

Cognizant of the fact that a number of challenges have hamstrung the full realization of the Constitutional order that came into being including the nurturing of a culture of respect for established norms and the Rule of Law;

Recognizing the critical role of the Civil Society, political party representatives, academia, members of professional bodies, Members of Parliament and representatives of government institutions in entrenching Constitutionalism and the Rule of Law;



The Centre for Constitutional Governance, African Institute for Energy Governance, the Human Rights Network and the Uganda National NGO Forum have provided a platform to address the state of the implementation of the 1995 Constitution, As amended;



We the citizens of Uganda herein assembled have addressed our minds to the state of constitutionalism in Uganda and adopt the following Resolutions:



1.   Constructively and actively engage in building enduring Constitutions by advocating for a review of the current Constitution with a view of arriving at a sustainable and inclusive settlement of historical questions that have permanently bedeviled the Ugandan polity, the Rule of Law, Democracy and Constitutionalism;



2.  Advocate for the creation of economic conditions for Constitutionalism by engaging in the formulation and implementation of radical, transformative policies that will support the attainment of social and economic rights of the citizens of Uganda so that they are able to agitate for their civil and political rights;



3.  Agree to create a framework through which citizens can defend the Constitution through this National Conference process deliberated upon today by carrying out regional consultative conferences and a series of national conferences, involving all stakeholders;



4.   Undertake regular, accurate and critical analysis of the state of Constitutionalism and the Rule of Law beyond academic discussions but mobilize the public on specific issues such as the presidential term limits, appointment of serving soldiers to Cabinet; meaningful electoral reforms and the attempts to impose an unqualified Chief Justice on the Judiciary;



5.   Lead the struggle for genuine transformation for an environment for Constitutionalism and the Rule of Law to take root by raising the awareness of the citizens, particularly those in the rural communities;



6.   Raise the civic competence of the citizens through creating awareness together with Civil Society and the Media as well as playing a front-line role on engaging the oversight arms of government to develop common ground;



7.   Adjudication and challenging the status quo in areas of glaring affronts to Constitutionalism such as the fractious and illegitimate Public Order Management Act and related laws;



8.   Establish and nurture an economic mechanism that works for all Ugandans and not just a few;


9.   Pursue an end to impunity by contributing towards the development of appropriate mechanisms with the ultimate objective of enshrining accountability;



10.        Strengthen and develop relevant networks and partnerships with the broader Civil Society actors such as academic institutions, the media and other players in the struggle;



We so declare!



Closing Remarks by the Speaker of Parliament of the Republic of Uganda, RT Hon Rebecca Alitwala Kadaga:



She stated that Eighteen years (18 years) of the Constitution is a lifetime. Those who were born in 1995 are now ready to vote. The challenge, however, is that very few Ugandans have had access to the Constitution. The Constitution needs to be translated in a language that people can understand; and this deficiency to be cured.



She stated that so far, CSOs have shown no interest nor capacity to draft private members’ Bills on ECOSOC rights as enunciated under Article 40 of the Constitution, yet this is the heart of the economic rights for Ugandans.



The Speaker said that she has found the question of appointing serving soldiers as ministers very problematic. There are many areas in the Constitution that require review like the issue of appointing servicing soldiers to Cabinet: “on one hand, you have the Constitution that directs you to ensure that the army is in the House but the same Constitution says that army should not participate in politics”. How do you resolve this? These are two commands that are contradictory in the Constitution. These contradictions should be resolved.



Kadaga also revealed that she had not received the electoral reforms from both the government and the opposition. She said that if these reforms are brought before her, she will fast track them because in order to ensure that there is deep thinking before matters are passed into law. She called upon CSOs to intensify their demand for these reforms so that they are debated and passed on time.



She pledged the support of Parliament to the National Conference on the Constitution as well as to CSOs participating in the promotion of constitutionalism and good governance in Uganda.



<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<END>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>

Wednesday, 11 September 2013

CONSTITUTIONALISM IN UGANDA - CHALLENGES IN OBSERVANCE



Constitutionalism in Uganda, challenges in observance

By Sarah Bireete, Director of Programmes (CCG)

Uganda is faced with both institutional and structural challenges when it comes to the implementation of the Constitution.

When we compare Uganda's 1995 Constitution, as amended and the current Constitution of South Africa, Uganda's Constitution lacks an equivalent of Chapter 9 of the South African Constitution - a specific body or Institutions charged with the duty of protecting the Constitution.

The duty of protecting Uganda's constitution as envisaged in Article 3 of the Constitution lies with the people. These are the same people - the citizenry that are helpless when it comes to governance issues. Like under Article 1 of the Constitution, all power belongs to the people and this power can only be exercised by the people through their elected representatives. If the effectiveness of Article 1 is viewed in perspective of the case of the Four "Rebel" MPs, the people who hold power do not have the so called power anymore to elect their representatives! In effect, Article 1 of the Constitution, which is the basis of the whole Constitution, "power belonging to the people" is now redundant! The Constitution in no more!

The 1995 Constitution would have been saved by pro-active judiciary. But now, the Judiciary, which also derives its power from the people, according to Article 126; for  has now been rendered helpless with cadre judges in motion and the unconstitutional re-appointment of Justice Odoki as its head. In essence, the Constitution is on its own!

In summary, the following factors have led to Uganda's constitutional crisis:

1. Absolutism - executive dominance and lawlessness

2. Life presidency and fear for losing power

3. Politics of the berry

4. Corruption

5. Arrivalism - where the young political cadres act with impunity

The following are the possible solutions, going forward:

1- All appointments by the President should have detailed criteria on experience, qualifications and exposure for the specific jobs

2- Devolution- Uganda should go the Kenyan way and further reduce powers from Kampala beyond the current decentralization policy

3- Restoration of Presidential term limits - this will enable political actors to do their work without waiting to gauge the mood of the President of his gestures in fear of being on the president's wrong side. This will also bring to an end the elaborate political patronage being practiced in the country

4- There should be exceptions to Presidential Immunity so that civil proceedings in what the President does should be allowed as liabilities of the state. Also abuse of office for private ends/benefit should not go unpunished.

The above can only happen with an independent judiciary, robust and vigilant civil society, vigilant citizenry and the internationalization of constitutional law principles.




Friday, 16 August 2013

CCG PETITION AGAINST THE RE-APPOINTMENT OF JUSTICE BENJAMIN ODOKI AS CJ OF UGANDA



                                                                     
16th August 2013



The Speaker of Parliament

Parliament of the Republic of Uganda

Kampala



Rt. Hon Speaker of Parliament,



PETITION ABOUT THE RE-APPOINTMENT OF HON JUSTICE BENJAMIN ODOKI AS THE CHIEF JUSTICE OF UGANDA



Reference is made to the President’s letter addressed to you, dated 9th August 2013, re- appointing Hon Justice Benjamin Odoki as the Chief Justice of Uganda for the next 2 years.



This letter quotes the powers vested in the President in accordance with Articles 142 (1), 143 and 253 of the Constitution.



I would like to draw your attention to the following anomalies:

  1. Article 142 (1) only gives powers to the President to appoint a Chief Justice based on the advice of the Judicial Service Commission. In this particular incidence, there was no advice from the Judicial Service Commission for the re-appointment of Hon Justice Benjamin Odoki. The Judicial Service Commission only recommended Justices Bart Katureebe, Yorokamu Bawmine and Peter Kabatsi to the President for possible appointment to the post of the Chief Justice of Uganda.
  2. Article 253 (1) of the Constitution states that “where any person has vacated office established by this Constitution, that person may, if qualified, again be appointed or elected to hold that office…..”



Madam Speaker, OUR emphasis on this article is the phrasing “IF QUALIFIED” and we would like to draw your attention to Article 144 of the Constitution which specifies out the tenure of office of judicial officers; specifically 144 (1) (a) which limits the age of the Chief Justice to 70 years and below. Hon Justice Benjamin Odoki is above 70 years of age and is not qualified to hold the office of the Chief Justice of Uganda.



  1. Under Article 79 of the Constitution, Parliament is charged with the duty of protecting the Constitution and promoting democratic good governance in Uganda. Also Article 1 of the Constitution vests all power to people and this power can only be exercised by the people through their elected representatives, which is the Members of Parliament, in our case.



Madam Speaker, the people of Uganda are looking up to you to uphold and protect the Constitution of the Republic of Uganda as well as promote constitutionalism and good governance.



I wish, therefore, to call upon you and the Members of the Appointments Committee of Parliament, to defer the approval of Hon Justice Benjamin Odoki because it violates the 1995 Constitution of the Republic of Uganda, as amended.



Yours Sincerely,



Okwiri Rabwoni

EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR




cc: All Members of the Appointments Committee of Parliament

Sunday, 4 August 2013

CSO PERSPECTIVES ON THE PUBLIC ORDER MANAGEMENT BILL


CSO’S PERSPECTIVES ON THE PUBLIC ORDER MANAGEMENT BILL
 
PRESS RELEASE
 As the CSO Fraternity, we take cognizance of the efforts that the Uganda Government and more particularly the Uganda Police Force have undertaken to protect the Citizens of Uganda and their property as well as their unwavering commitment to the prevention and detection of crime of any kind. The above notwithstanding, while we all strife for a safer world to live in, the means of combating and prevention of crime and more specifically public (dis) order should be in consonance with the human rights standards universally acceptable, binding and domestically provided for under the Uganda Constitution of 1995. 
 As CSO in Uganda, we note with great concerned and we reiterate our earlier position that the Public Order Management Bill if passed in its current form infringes greatly on a number of human rights and freedoms of Uganda including the following:
 1. By legislating to control as opposed to democratic regulation of public assemblies/ meetings that focus on the efficacy of government and its agencies and political organs, the Bill infringes on the constitutional right to freedom of speech and expression, thought and belief, assembly, association and demonstration.
 
2. The Bill under clause 7 and 8 undermines the rule of law, constitutionalism and independence of the judiciary by seeking to revive Section 32 of the Police Act that sought to ‘prohibit’ rather than ‘regulate’ public assemblies which was held unconstitutional by the Constitutional Court in Muwanga Kivumbi v. Attorney General (Constitutional Petition No. 9/05). Art. 92 of the Constitution forbids parliament from passing any law to alter the decision of court.
 3. The Bill gives immense discretionary powers of the authorized police officer hence susceptible to abuse under clause 4,5, 7 and 8. There under, there is no established mechanism that can or should be followed by the police in exercising his power of ‘regulation, or ‘directing’. It’s all upon the police’s will which leaves room for serious ramifications for the rule of law and human rights.
 4. The Bill is intimidating, deterrent, burdensome and fear prone legislation: threatening and shrinking the public space. The Bill under Clause 6 is an infringement on the right to political participation as it seeks to not only control the public gatherings but also what  is discuss therein which includes principles, policy, actions or failure of any government; political party or political organization, whether or not-that party of organization is registered under any applicable law.
 5. The Bill under Clause 15 gives superfluous discretionary powers of the Minister as a lone individual to declare that in any particular area in Uganda, it is unlawful for any person to convene a public meeting if in his opinion it is desirable in interest of public tranquility. This can be abused when and if left to the will of an individual or the executive without any supervision for checks and balances.
 6. The inclusion of use of fire arms without strict safeguards under Clause 11 during public assemblies is unwarranted. Indeed, the provision is generally below the standards set in the Police Act which introduces safeguards such as imploring the officer to only resort to fire arms only after exhaustion of other possible ways of fulfilling calming a situation.
 7. The Bill contains erroneous provision for criminal liability to organizers instead of perpetrators for criminal acts committed by the participants attending the public meeting under Clause 12 of the Bill the organizers shall compensate any party that may suffer loss or damage from any fall out of the public meeting and ensure that statements made to the media and public do not conflict with any existing laws of Uganda. The section is misconceived, proposed in bad faith, redundant and defeats legal maxims of personal criminal liability upon which a functional legal framework is constructed.
 Consequently, CSO fraternity calls upon the PARLIAMENT of Uganda:
 ·        The Bill in its current state is an affront to human rights of all citizens enshrined under Chapter 4 of Uganda’s 1995 Constitution.
·        The law seems to be dealing with symptomatic offshoots of gatherings gone wrong but does not address the underlying causes.  Legislation against discontent can deliver a semblance of stability but only for a short time. Long-lasting citizenry-oriented stability is hinged on provision of functional social and public amnesties.
·        The main focus of the Bill should be targeted towards the building of an independent monitoring, review and evaluation of public assemblies’ mechanism. This should be aimed at evaluating the standards used by the police in the policing of demonstrations with the sole aim of informing the transformation process of the police.
·        The POM Bill as it stands now is still wanting and cannot be an enabling piece of legislation as Uganda strives to achieve its democratization aspirations of liberty, equality, rule of law and constitutionalism.

Thursday, 6 June 2013

CCG CALLS UPON PARLIAMENT TO FAST TRACK ELECTORAL REFORMS AHEAD OF 2016


1. INTRODUCTION:
Question-What is Center for Constitutional
Governance?
The Center for Constitutional Governance (CCG) is a regional organisation based in Uganda whose overarching goal is to strengthen constitutional governance by governments and all partners through
evidence based analysis and actions with a view to bridge governance gaps and overcome governance challenges.

How does CCG Operate?
CCG works with Governments, Development Partners, Regional Organisations, Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) and Communities in Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania, Rwanda, Burundi, Somalia and South Sudan
in the discourse of promoting constitutional governance for security, stability and development.

Who does CCG Specifically target?

CCG targets Parliaments as the key arm of the state when it comes to strengthening constitutional governance and we specialize in the areas of policy making and governance concepts by directing attention towards democratic constitution based governance and by-passing the old dichotomies on the future of nation states. Specifically, CCG seeks to promote constitutional governance in the Greater East African region in the areas of policy making and governance concepts by directing attention towards democratic
constitution-based good governance and by-passing old dichotomies on the future of the nation states.
CCG provides technical analysis and implements targeted strategic actions towards overcoming gaps in constitutional governance at the level of policy formulation, policy implementation as well as development and operationalization of constitutional regulatory frameworks in all the countries targeted.

What is CCG’s focus at the moment?

Our current focus in Uganda is in the following areas:
1) Electoral Reforms and Legitimization of Electoral Processes including amendment of
electoral laws; updated and acceptable voter register, early warning on electoral violence,
free and fair competition for state power and clear political succession mechanisms like the
Restoration of Presidential Term Limits in Uganda.

2) Citizens awareness in governance areas so that the people can make informed
governance decisions. We are pursuing this through a Civic Education Campaign in 25
Universities in Uganda in Partnership with the Democratic Governance Facility (DGF).

3) National Constitutional Literacy Campaign through the “Know Your Constitution, Act Your
Constitution and Defend Your Constitution” Campaign.

Do you have any message for stakeholders in parliament of Uganda?

We wish to call upon Parliament of the Republic of Uganda as well as other stakeholders and Partners to support CCG in the above causes/Campaigns which we consider critical if Uganda is to achieve free,
fair and meaningful elections in 2016.

CCG – Your Constitutional
Watchdog


 CCG vision is just and equitable societies in all targeted countries with citizens at the centre of their constitutional governance. The mission of CCG is the transformation of governance leadership through a four-partnership approach lead by Civil Society and involving the broader governance partnership of state governments, regional organisations and citizens.

The specific objectives of CCG are:
(i) Promoting constitutionalism and constitutional governance.
(ii) Promote democracy through creating platforms for discourse, debate and activism.
(iii) Promoting integrity of the democratic processes by advocating for effective policy, legal and institutional
mechanisms.
(iv) Strengthening CSOs, regional state organisations and citizens towards constitutional governance.

CCG Strategic Programmes:
(i) Constitutional Literacy Programme – This involves the interpretation of the Constitution of Uganda into a
simplified version and translation of the simplified version into local languages of Luo, Luganda, Ateso,
Runyakitara, Lumasaba, Lusoga, Ng’akarimojong, Swahili and Lugbara.
(ii) The HOPE Initiative – This is a comprehensive Youth and Students Programme targeting Universities and high schools of learning in Uganda on Civic Education and Constitutionalism; its relevance to good governance and its role in regional political integration in the greater East and Horn of Africa. The project also promotes Public Analysis and Debate on Constitutional Challenges and generates information and recommendations for policy work with Governments.
(iii) Public Interest Litigation Programme that aims at carrying out public interest litigation on matters that affect political responsiveness, accountability and social justice especially civic – political rights; media freedoms and in defence of the Constitution.
(iv) Research, Documentation and Publications with a view to generation of data and information for evidence based policy making and development of constitutional provisions in countries in need of such technical assistance.
(v) Social, Economic and Political Justice Campaigns in defence of the constitution.

Sarah Bireete
Director of programmes CCG

Mr.Okwir Rwaboni
Executive Director, CCG

For more information, contact:
Center for Constitutional Governance (CCG)
Convocation Building, Makerere University – Kampala
Tel: 256 312- 273 113
Email:Info@ccgea.org/constitutional.governance@gmail.com
Website: www.ccgea.org
Face book: Center for Constitutional Governance
Follow us on Twitter: ccg_governance

Signed
Sarah Bireete
Director of Programmes
Students during CCG Public